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Craig White's Literature Courses
Critical Sources
Jeet Heer
The New Utopians
Kim Stanley Robinson and the novelists who want to build a better future
through science fiction.
The New Republic,
9 November 2015
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[1] How will the world end? Take your pick among an
array of near-future catastrophes: rising sea levels, overpopulation,
mass extinction of species, nuclear proliferation, uncontainable
viruses, not to mention more fanciful but alarmingly plausible scenarios
like a giant asteroid or superintelligent computers run amok. The
prophets of doom are unusually loud in our time, and almost every vision
of the future, whether by sober ecologists or wild-eyed science fiction
writers, carries with it the stench of despair. The collapse of
civilization has become its own narrative cliché.
[2] But dark predictions
have always had a sunny counterpart—the dream of a better world. Just as
heaven and hell are complementary destinations, so are utopia and
dystopia rivalrous siblings, each offering radically different outcomes,
but both concerned with the idea of how humanity can shape its common
destiny. The first utopias offered a revolutionary idea: The social
order, as it exists, is neither inevitable nor the best we can hope for.
Thomas More’s 1516 tour of an ideal island state called Utopia gave the
genre
its name,
an idea later refined by Francis Bacon in the
New Atlantis
(1627), in which lost sailors discover an island where the inhabitants
have perfected the scientific method. Catastrophe, in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, was ordained from above; sickness, plague,
famine, these were out of the control of man. Utopia was a place of
perfect social control, where the weather always behaved itself.
[3] Countering these hopes
were the satirical responses of more pessimistic writers like Jonathan
Swift, whose Gulliver’s Travels
(1726) can be read as an early warning about false utopias. Brook Farm
was a notorious mid-nineteenth-century experiment in
communal living
that some of America’s leading writers, including Margaret Fuller and
Nathaniel Hawthorne, tried and failed to establish in the 1840s.
(Hawthorne’s disillusionment with the experience, and his general scorn
for hare-brained utopianism, was recorded in his 1852 novel
The Blithedale Romance.)
Yet if utopia is easy to mock, it remains a central inspiration for
social activism. Countless practical reform movements have taken heart
from utopian imaginings.
Edward Bellamy’s
Looking Backward
(1888) was a central text to Progressive-era America, just as
H.G. Wells
furthered socialism with the creation of a fictional world state in his
1933 novel, The Shape of Things to
Come.
[4] In contemporary
culture, utopia has all but disappeared from our imaginative map while
dystopias proliferate. [YA Dystopias] The social order is no longer broken down by a
failure of the political imagination, but by catastrophic climate events
that deliver a new interval of geologic time: a dry or frozen planet
beset by anarchy, population decline, even
new speciation.
Sometime after 1972, a global thermonuclear war leads to the
desertification of the Earth, the near extinction of our species, and
the rise of the Planet of the Apes
(as well as seven sequels). Since 1979, Mad Max and his merry crew have
fought for what little gasoline and water is left in a landscape of
parched, desolate highways. In novel after novel, written with her
characteristic gingery wit, Margaret Atwood has given us bad news about
the ways in which humanity can mess up our collective destiny, whether
it be the eugenic theocracy of
The
Handmaid’s Tale—her response to
the rise of the religious right in the 1980s—or the genetic engineering
gone awry in the MaddAddam
trilogy. Cormac McCarthy doesn’t spell out the exact nature of the
catastrophe that wrecks the world of his bleak 2006 novel
The Road,
but the barren, ashen landscape of the novel feels post-nuclear. In the
2013 film Snowpiercer,
a train runs on an infinite loop over a flash-frozen Earth, its
inhabitants trapped in a closed ecosystem ruled by martial law.
[5] Climate change, so
difficult to grapple with because it requires the cooperation of nations
across the globe, points to how our environmental problems are fused
with the narrowing of our political options. The end of history, much
heralded by Francis Fukuyama, has been accompanied not by a flourishing
of democracy but by plutocratic-friendly gridlock that prevents any
political action that challenges the interests of entrenched wealth. The
enemy of utopia isn’t dystopia, but oligarchy. The cultural critic
Fredric Jameson
summed up
the dilemma of our epoch when he quipped that someone once said, “It
is easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine the end of
capitalism.”
[6] Amid the crowded field of artists crying doom and
gloom, the science fiction novelist Kim Stanley Robinson has been an
anomalous figure in the genre for almost 30 years. He’s made it his
life’s work to write books that keep alive the idea that humanity can
create a better future for itself. Robinson writes in the
rigorous
subgenre of hard science fiction, which requires respect for known
natural laws rather than flights of fancy. In his books, the scientists
are heroes: His Mars is not an alien planet, but a landscape to be
terraformed into radical new farms; his Antarctica is a landscape for
environmental research and eco-sabotage; and government grants, if
applied for, can often save the world. Robinson’s work illustrates both
the promise and peril of radical optimism, as well as the habits of
ordinary people in extraordinary landscapes.
[7] “Anyone can do a
dystopia these days just by making a collage of newspaper headlines,”
Robinson
told
science fiction short story writer Terry Bisson in 2009. “But utopias
are hard, and important, because we need to imagine what it might be
like if we did things well enough to say to our kids, we did our best,
this is about as good as it was when it was handed to us, take care of
it and do better.”
[8] The author of 17
novels and numerous short stories, Robinson wrote his doctoral thesis on
the novels of Philip K. Dick at U.C. San Diego under Jameson’s guidance.
A native of Southern California, Robinson’s first trilogy,
Three Californias,
depicts three versions of a near-future Orange County. In the first
volume, The
Wild Shore
(1984), the United States has been
destroyed by nuclear war; the other two volumes present different
variations of California’s future and follow the attempts of politicians
and scientists to rebuild a green infrastructure over the next 80 years.
Between 1992 and 1996, he published his Mars trilogy,
Red Mars,
Green Mars,
and Blue Mars,
in which scientists colonize, establish agriculture, and fundamentally
alter the planet’s atmosphere to make it inhabitable for humans, and
just in time—the Antarctic ice sheet has melted, and a torrent of
illegal immigrants are making their way for Mars.
[9] Robinson’s decidedly
left-wing slant on science fiction puts him at odds with the right-wing
tradition of hard science fiction that often seems dominant, at least in the
United States. While Europe has a rich legacy of socialist science fiction that
runs from H.G. Wells to Olaf Stapledon to China Miéville, the United States has
been more comfortable with libertarian science fiction that imagines space
colonization as the next frontier for the free market. This is particularly true
of the engineering-oriented can-do tech tradition that was codified in the 1930s
and 1940s by John W. Campbell’s magazine
Astounding Science-Fiction. Campbell’s
most influential protégé, Robert Heinlein, started as a socialist, but by the
1950s was writing novels that
extolled militarism (Starship
Troopers) and imagined space colonies
becoming free-market utopias governed by the code of TANSTAAFL (There Ain’t No
Such Thing as a Free Lunch, the battle cry of a lunar colony rebellion in
The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress).
Heinlein inspired a library full of imitators such as Jerry Pournelle, Larry
Niven, and Newt Gingrich, who have used the genre to argue for hard right
politics.
[10] Being a utopian science fiction writer can be lonely.
Robinson calls his set, along with Bisson, whose work combines dark humor and
environmentalism, and Ursula K. Le Guin, an icon of feminist and environmental
utopias, “a study group more than a school.” Yet there is evidence that
Robinson’s style of utopian science fiction might be finding resonance with
other writers who have grown tired of the end of the world.
[11] In the summer of 2003, a report
on climate change commissioned by the then head of the Environmental Protection
Agency, Christine Todd Whitman, was revealed to have had references to the
effects of global warming
removed by White
House staff. “Climate change has global consequences for human health and the
environment,” was replaced with the following: “The complexity of the Earth
system and the interconnections among its components make it a scientific
challenge to document change, diagnose its causes, and develop useful
projections of how natural variability and human actions may affect the global
environment in the future.” The next year, Robinson published
Forty Signs of Rain,
the first book in what would come to be known as the
Science in the Capital
trilogy, in which the president, a Republican climate change denier, squashes
any efforts to deal with mounting evidence of global warming.
[12] The trilogy is being reissued
as a set for the first time this year, a time capsule of very recent history.
The Bush administration’s multiyear campaign to undermine the EPA and offer its
own narrative of the negligible effects of climate change was
exposed by
Rolling Stone
in 2007. Time
magazine, in 2008, named Robinson a “Hero
of the Environment” and the “foremost
practitioner of literary utopias.” The horror and hope of the
Science in the Capital
trilogy returns at a moment we finally may be getting our act together on global
warming.
[13] By reissuing the trilogy
in a slightly abridged one-volume edition titled
Green Earth,
Robinson has had a chance to reflect on how his predictions look in the light of
unfolding history. As he
told
The Coode Street Podcast
earlier this year, the polar vortex-induced freezing he described in the second
book of the series has already hit the East Coast of the United States the last
two winters. “Things have gotten even uglier in some regards,” he noted, “but on
the other hand, since 2008 nobody believes in capitalism in the way they used to
. . . denial of climate change per se is pretty much going away, but the political
fight over what to do about it is going to be very intense.”
[14] If political paralysis and
ideological obtuseness are the villains of the trilogy, the novels have an
unexpected hero: the bureaucrats of the National Science Foundation. The core
action of the trilogy is the way the members of the NSF become politicized, then
figure out ways to challenge denialist politics and form alliances with groups
ranging from the Pentagon to the insurance industry to save the West Coast as a
storm system threatens to drown California. In the second book,
Fifty Degrees Below
(2005), the Gulf Stream stalls, plunging the East Coast into a deep freeze. But
the enemy remains a government unwilling to listen to its scientists. In the
final book, Sixty Days and Counting
(2007), a new president in the mold of Al Gore
takes office, and saving the world looks a lot like an ecological New Deal. The
West Antarctic ice sheet has collapsed, but the Gulf Stream has been jumpstarted
with millions of tons of salt, the White House installs solar panels,
genetically modified lichen absorb carbon in Siberia, and, in a stunning climax,
an ecologically devastated China switches over to clean energy. As literary
critic Adam Trexler noted in his 2015 study
Anthropocene Fictions: The Novel in a Time of Climate
Change, Robinson is “moving beyond the
problem of the truth of climate science to think about how science might become
part of a utopian political mobilization.”
[15] Robinson, in effect, sees science itself as a kind of
utopia: a collaborative, cooperative, international, disinterested attempt to
understand the world and make it a better place. He doesn’t deny that, in
practice, science might be corrupted by everything from petty rivalry to
cupidity, but the act of doing science carries with it values that need to be
broadened out and made a part of political life. Robinson, usually a merely
efficient writer in the mode of Isaac Asimov, goes into special reverie when
describing scientists lost in the act of thinking.
Frank dug into the substantive part of the proposal. The
algorithm set was one Pierzinski had been working on even back in his
dissertation. Chemical mechanics of protein creation as a sort of natural
algorithm, in effect. Frank considered the idea, operation by operation. This
was his real expertise; this was what had interested him from childhood, when
the puzzles solved had been simple ciphers. He had always loved this work, and
now perhaps more than ever, offering as it did a complete escape from
consciousness of himself. Why he might want to make that escape remained moot;
howsoever it might be, when he came back he felt refreshed, as if finally he had
been in a good place.
That “good place” of pure
research is the core of Robinson’s utopianism.
As he told
literary critic McKenzie Wark, “I remain an advocate of science as a method of
understanding, a set of institutions and practices, a philosophy of action, a
utopian politics.”
[16] Here we see one limit of
Robinson’s utopianism: The Science in the
Capital trilogy becomes a call for a
technocratic revolt, albeit one that aligns itself with broader social
movements. (In Forty Signs of Rain,
the members of the NSF work with Buddhist monks who live on an island threatened
by drowning.) Still, the delight in science as a basis for politics is a
minority pursuit. Even if the scientists do help mitigate and minimize climate
change in the interests of all humanity, the core experience of being in a
community of knowers is shared by the few.
Science in the Capital is a wonderful
guide for how the climate problem might be addressed, but it underplays the role
that grassroots activism by nonscientists will have to play.
[17] In this regard, the trilogy
offers a much narrower utopia than the ecological communitarian society Robinson
created in his earlier novel, Pacific Edge
(1990), the concluding volume in the Three
Californias trilogy, where every member of
the community participates in lengthy political meetings (which, to be sure, is
not everyone’s cup of tea, let alone ideal of a perfect society). Perhaps the
sheer scale of the climate problem makes the type of community described in
Pacific Edge
no longer feasible, so even Robinson’s utopianism has to give ground.
[18] In the tradition of Rousseau,
Robinson wants to forge a link between the modern and the primitive: Utopia
means, in part, recovering the archaic energies of the past. He sees science as
compatible with primitivism because the scientist has the natural disinterested
curiosity of humans in the state of nature. In Robinson’s novel
Red Mars (1992),
a scientist reflects on life in a space colony:
This arrangement resembles the prehistoric way to live,
and it therefore feels right to us, because our brains recognize it from three
million years of practicing it. In essence our brains grew to their current
configuration in response to the realities of that life. So as a result people
grow powerfully attached to that kind of life, when they get a chance to live
it. It allows you to concentrate your attention on the real work, which means
everything that is done to stay alive, or make things, or satisfy one’s
curiosity, or play. That is utopia … especially for primitives and scientists,
which is to say everybody. So a scientific research station is actually a little
model of prehistoric utopia, carved out of the transnational money economy by
clever primates who want to live well.
The “prehistoric utopia”
Robinson describes is enthralling to read about, but, like the technocratic
revolt of the Science in the Capital
trilogy, is something for the few, not the many.
Robinson’s utopia is enticing to dream about, but not fully a place you’d want
to move into.
[19] Curiously, Robinson’s
utopianism is linked to a persistent imagination of disaster: The push for
action comes from a climate catastrophe (floods, freakish snowstorms) that
forces rivals to come together. The Science
in the Capital trilogy was published over
three years that redefined natural disaster for the new century:
Hurricane Katrina highlighted the need for
federal government aid in the summer of 2005, and Al Gore gave the world a
frightening lesson about carbon dioxide emissions in
An Inconvenient Truth
in 2006. But based on real-world events, one might doubt whether disasters have
quite the politically benign effect that Robinson foresees. While many of the
residents of Louisiana post-Katrina and New York post-Sandy helped each other in
the face of disaster, the political system remained as
deadlocked and
divided as ever. In the aftermath of Katrina, New Orleans political elites used
the situation not to bring people together, but as a form of providential slum
clearance, with the poor African American communities that were dispersed not
welcomed back, resulting in a considerably
whiter city. Nor
did Hurricane Sandy bring Americans together. In fact, 67 Republicans, including
prominent figures, like Representative Paul Ryan,
voted against
disaster relief funding. Future climate disasters will be just as likely to lead
to battles over scarce resources as to cooperation.
[20] As utopian as he is, even
Robinson is aware that, at best, we can only hope to mitigate climate change and
adapt to it, and there’s a real possibility that humanity won’t get its act
together to solve core problems. In his recent novel
2312 (2012), he
offered a vision of the next 300 years in which parts of humanity build wondrous
space colonies (some go body surfing on the rings of Saturn) while the home
planet languishes in environmental degradation. As Robinson
explained to
The Coode Street Podcast
in 2011, “The Earth could be quite a jungly planet with a much higher sea level,
and it does not necessarily mean that we couldn’t inhabit space because our
technological powers are growing so fast. One of the few things we won’t be able
to do is save the Earth from this next century’s warming, that may be beyond us.
But other terraforming projects where you can slam comets into the planet might
be possible.” To paraphrase Jameson once again, the lesson of
2312 is that it
is easier to terraform Venus than to reach an international climate accord. Even
the most splendid utopian imagination has its limits.
[21] Robinson’s attempt to keep the flame of Utopia alive in a
despairing era has made him a lonely figure. But suddenly, in the last few
years, a new literary genre has emerged that hopes to revive ecological
utopianism. Rallying under the banner “solarpunk,” a ragtag band of freelance
futurists and science fiction writers have argued that we have an obligation to
imagine positive futures where plausible technologies give us practical green
solutions.
[22] “Imagine a sustainable world,
driven by clean and renewable energy,” reads the introduction to
Solarpunk
(2012), a Brazilian anthology of solarpunk literature whose opening lines were
roughly translated in an Australian article in 2014. “Now imagine large space
sailboats driven by solar radiation, production of biofuels via nanotechnology,
the advent of photosynthetic humans, and, as there is no perfect society, even
terrorism against corrupt businesses and governments. Welcome to the bright
green world of solarpunk.” A mix of green technology, economic ideology,
sociology, science fiction, architecture, and even fashion, solarpunk remains
more of an aspirational mindset and lifestyle than a cultural movement, but the
popularity of the term speaks to a hunger for an alternative to the apocalypse.
“It’s hard out here for futurists under 30,” declares one
manifesto.
“We’re
solarpunks
because the only other options are denial or despair.”
[23] Solarpunk is still a new genre,
more a call to arms than a substantial body of literature. Still, in the Tumblr
posts and stories that have been written so far, a few recurring themes emerge.
Solarpunk writers are interested in how an ecologically balanced post-scarcity
sustainable future will look and feel to ordinary people. A very popular
Tumblr post by
the visual artist
Olivia Louise, published in 2014, served as a major spark to
the solarpunk movement, because it made explicit that the goal was an
aesthetically pleasing habitable future. Louise called for “a plausible
near-future sci-fi genre, which I like to imagine as based on updated Art
Nouveau, Victorian, and Edwardian aesthetics, combined with a green and
renewable energy movement to create a world in which children grow up being
taught about building electronic tech, as well as food gardening and other
skills, and people have come back around to appreciating artisans and
craftspeople, from stonemasons and smithies, to dress makers and jewelers, and
everyone in between.” This vision is a call back to the Victorian dreams of
William Morris (who wrote his own utopia,
News From Nowhere, in 1890), John Ruskin,
and the members of the Arts and Crafts movement who hoped to humanize
industrialism. Carrying forward and advancing the kind of utopianism that runs
from Morris to Robinson, and now solarpunk, is a heartening sign that the dream
of a better tomorrow is still possible, even in the face of the apocalypse.
To
build a better future we have to first imagine it.
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