Hanna
Mak
February 28 2016
Part
I: A Lesson in Complements
There is much to be gained from the study of tragic literature across
different cultures, perhaps especially in terms of what elements they share; but
at the same time, it is also important to remember that the Western and African
traditions of tragedy, while sharing definite parallels in many respects, still
represent distinct cultural viewpoints. Although the humanist tendency to
perceive universal truths across cultures is often enlightening in its
connectivity or even perilously appealing in its purported sense of harmony,
there are aspects to each culture that simply cannot be translated elsewhere in
its total meaning; an African mask enshrined in a museum (however inspiring to
Picasso), will inevitably mean much differently when divorced from its original
context. Therefore, it is imperative to maintain a sense of perspective and
judiciousness in the course of such a cross-cultural study, however daunting (or
potentially impossible) a task that may be. Perhaps there is no perfect method
to attain this balance-- but exposure to a healthy variety of well-crafted
viewpoints may be a necessary place for a prospective student of these diverse
works to begin. Jayson Hawkins’ essentially humanist essay, “The Times They Are
A-Changin’...” provides a measured and highly organized example of the ways in
which these works can ultimately meet, even beginning his argument with a
quotation from a work in Old Norse. Isaac Villanueva’s essay, “The Value of
Learning by Experiencing Tragedy and Africa,” assumes a different, perhaps
somewhat less fluid argument structure, but concludes with an extremely
important point that Hawkins largely neglects. While each essay often emphases
different points, the efforts of Hawkins and Villanueva ultimately serve to
inform and complement one another in a manner that is useful to other students
engaged in the cross-cultural study of tragedy.
The most interesting and creative aspect of Hawkins’ essay may most
obviously be the particular connective tissue that makes his argument function--
the recurring theme of great societal upheaval amongst Old Norse, Greek and
African societies, as well as its connection to their respective tragic works; a
rather inventive approach to the subject matter. However, realistically, it is
the overarching structure of his argument that fundamentally allows this idea to
gain traction. When he opens with the Old Norse quote and explains its
historical context, he sets the tone and general theme for the rest of the
piece, while simultaneously capturing the reader’s attention with the unexpected
though pertinent reference to similarities in yet another culture. When he
transitions into Aristotle’s Poetics,
he provides the reader with an important philosophical and historical basis for
his inventive assertions, which argue for the thematic similarities between
tragedies of differing cultures in the process of social upheaval--as
represented in the Oresteia, Things Fall
Apart, and Master Harold and the Boys.
While the subject matter of Hawkins’ essay is particularly interesting in its
own right, the example of his work also seems to demonstrate the heightened
importance of precise language and a logical argument when treading the line of
comparison between markedly disparate cultures--while there are certainly bound
to be similarities, there will just as certainly be differences, and a level of
sensitivity is required in order to do justice to each; perhaps to a greater
degree than a collection of comparable texts from the same period and culture.
In
the beginning and middle of his essay, Villanueva focuses upon the similarities
between these particular texts as well, but does so with a different set of
emphases and a different argument structure. Perhaps his connection between the
texts is more generalized for being grounded in the direct similarities of their
plot, or for his acknowledgement of their shared adherences to established
elements of tragic convention--such as those established by Aristotle in his
Poetics. Although valid, this is
likely the least engaging aspect of his essay--perhaps for its lack of risk. On
the other hand, however, the information that the essay presents in these
sections does an admirable job of recapping important details about the texts
and about the fundamental expectations of tragedy; in that particular capacity
it may exceed the Hawkins essay, filling in details about the subject matter
that are important for students to remember in order to build a more complex and
measured understanding of the material.
However, while both essays address the question of free will versus fate, the
most compelling point within Villanueva’s essay was ultimately facilitated by
his particular exploration of this question, as well as its centrality to the
later stages of his argument. From the middle to the end of his essay,
Villanueva reveals the hand of fate in each of the works that he examines, and
in his conclusion, extends this connection further into biblical allusion. In
doing so, he presents the reader with a conundrum--although the hand of fate is
strong in each of these works, Christian doctrine still purports mankind’s free
will. With this in mind, he asserts that each of the tragic heroes ultimately
chose what was “right” according to each of their respective cultures, but were
still punished by the cruelty of fate, revealing much of the fallibility of
individuals and cultures. He suggests a compelling argument for the relativity
of morals--that each culture’s ideas of barbarism and of nobility are beyond
the grasp of absolutes. While Hawkins’ essay is creative and skillfully crafted,
it somewhat neglects this point in favor of the factors that unify each culture;
when read together, the essays provide a breadth and balance of ideas that are
useful for the prospective student of tragedy and African literature to bear in
mind.
Part
II: The Sacred Music of Tragedy
If we accept Nietzsche’s assertion that Greek tragedy is a “metaphysical
miracle”--an equal “coupling” of the Apolline and Dionysiac--and we agree to
measure an artist’s mastery of the tragic form with an eye for the skillful
manipulation of these forces’ ebb and flow within a work, we will almost
certainly find Soyinka and the Ancient Greek tragedians crossing paths more
frequently than they diverge (14). However, on the level of the Apolline
alone, with its roots in the visual
arts and the lucid poetics of dialogue, it may be the case that we are met with
the most cultural divergence--albeit in a manner that is both fortunate and
necessary. The chosen language, as well as the articulated “dream images” in one
culture’s Apolline vein, may not translate so wholly and satisfactorily into
another (15). It is a divergence that is fruitful for its challenges to our
cultural expectations, as well as the reflection that such a challenge
necessarily invites.
At
the same time that we acknowledge the intellectual benefits of these
differences, however, we must also turn our attention to other forces at play
within these tragic works, perhaps more culturally unifying for their role in
the erasure of self; their evocation of simultaneous dread and “blissful
ecstasy” which “rises up from man’s innermost core” (16). Although the
Dionysiac, when encountered in the works both of Soyinka and the Ancient Greeks,
will inevitably reflect unique elements of each original culture in its
circumstance, the sublime “intoxication” of its music--whether reverberating
through the beat of drums or in its “reveling choruses”--effectively speaks
some message across cultures, seeking “to destroy individuality and redeem it
with a mystical sense of unity” (18).
While the Dionysiac is often fittingly described in terms of its
intoxicating properties, in tragedy, that state is frequently also depicted as
sacred--an association perhaps less strange or paradoxical that it may
initially appear. Through the musical traditions of many cultures, the sacred
and intoxicating may be shown to merge. For example, in the
Dattilam, an ancient Indian musical
compendium, we see these themes combine in the mythic origin of the lute and
drum. When Soma (as the personification of an intoxicating Vedic ritual drink)
was stolen from the gods, the goddess Vāc (as the personification of sacred
speech) offered herself as the price to buy it back; on gaining Soma, however,
she refused to return, and retreated into the woods--the gods cursed the woods,
but the trees would not harm her, instead dispersing her into the “drum, the
lute, the reed-pipes” (Nijenhuis* 65). In this manner, the myth explores not
only the origin of the instrument’s sound, but also the capacity of its music to
evoke the sacred or otherwise guide towards spiritual transcendence. Echoes of
these themes are present in Soyinka’s
Death and the King’s Horseman, as well as Euripides’
Bacchae; while each scene is made
distinct through the precise Apolline tempering of its respective culture and
historical circumstances, the haunting Dionysian presence of this seeming
paradox still remains potent, an intact spiritual bridge between disparate
cultures.
With the myth of Vāc still fresh in our minds, let us first turn to the
role of the drum in these sacred rites. At the beginning of the ritual in
Death and the King’s Horseman, the
distant drumming from the village is the unifying pulse of the ceremony; it
functions to signal the sacred timing throughout the ritual, and to
progressively guide Elesin into a hypnosis, more receptive to his ordained
sacrifice--but it also stages for the reader an almost instinctive sense of
foreboding for what is about to transpire, casting Elesin’s individual words and
actions in a much more ominous light. The beginning drum beat signals to Elesin
and to the community that the king’s dog has been killed. The ritual has already
begun, and yet directly after the commencement of this rhythmic initiation, his
beautiful new bride emerges to stand “shyly by the door,” causing Elesin to
remark that their “marriage is not yet wholly fulfilled”--a brief, yet telling
flicker of hesitation during a moment when timing is everything (32).
Here,
the intended function of the drums is at once communal and sacred, concerned
with Dionysiac immersion into a ritual of transcendence which concerns the fate
of all; the presence of the bride, however, gives Elesin a moment of pause with
the fleshly concerns of the self. This
ruin of the fleshly is strongly in accordance with Nietzsche’s distinction
between the “Dionysiac Greeks” and the so-called “Dionysiac barbarians;”
Soyinka’s representation is in line with that of the Greeks (19).
In the former, the Dionysiac impulse is moderated by the Apollonian
through a “timely reconciliation”--a phenomenon not of “lust and cruelty” but
of unifying joy, awe, and horror, “bemoaning . . . fragmentation into individuals”
(20). Each extreme elevates the other, paving the way for the sacred even among
the revelatory and terrible--but this balanced negotiation is delicate.
Tellingly, the tragic conflict in Soyinka’s work confronts such a concept of
fragmentation, placing communally driven transcendence as the sustaining natural
order; a sacred rite tragically fated to be broken.
Unsurprisingly, this moderating role of the drum is not limited only to
these Indian and African narratives; its sacred rhythm accompanies significant
meaning in Euripides’ Bacchae as
well, signaling the passage of another key Dionysian element--the chorus. The
chorus of women worshippers appear, dancing and singing with their drums. In
their exclamations of worship, the women reveal the mix of the sacred and
terrible in their song for Bacchus. First, they quickly reveal the communal
nature of their celebration, speaking as if it were an all-consuming tide in
which those must join or else be swept aside: “Who’s in the street? Who’s there?
Who? / Let him stay inside/ out of our way” (91-93). Here is the dramatic Greek
equivalent of Nietzsche’s medieval German “singing and dancing throngs,
constantly increasing, wandering from place to place” (17). The women, however,
immediately express the sacred nature of their ecstatic worship: “Let every
mouth be pure/ completely holy, / speak no profanities” (94-96). And yet, while
the women stress the pious nature of such celebrations, they twist their hair
with wild snakes, “stung to frenzied madness” (132-135, 151). In this vein, the
Bacchic women patently exemplify Nietzsche’s conception of the Greek Dionysian
as emerging from “that peace accord” with the Apollonian--the embodiment of
that strange yet sacred frenzy.
Likewise, in Death and the King’s
Horseman, the sacred Dionysian effect of the chorus is revealed very early,
through the interactions of the village women and the playful, mischievous
goading of Elesin. When the women of the chorus praise him for his honor, Elesin
replies, “Words are cheap. …Well tell me, is this how/ A man of honour should be
seen” (11)? As he “roars with laughter,” the women rush to acquire exquisite
cloths for him, grateful for his forgiveness, and eager to extend a behavior not
unlike worship. Elesin, Iyaloja, and the Praise-Singer each offer their comments
on the situation, but these are rhythmically punctuated by the obedient
repetitions of the worshipful chorus, over and over again, not unlike the beat
of drum in their cadence: “For a while we truly feared/ Our hands had wrenched
the world adrift/ In emptiness” (11). The chorus’ repetitions are akin to the
beat of the drum in terms of their rhythm, but more importantly are alike in
terms of their function and spiritual implications--they are an integral part
of a sacred music, an established communal and metaphysical order. They
must serve Elesin. The drum
must beat. The King’s horseman
must die; and each
must occur at its ordained moment,
lest the world be wrenched adrift “in emptiness” (11).
This
Dionysian effect is demonstrably registered through the beat of the drum and the
rhythm of the chorus; but what words may aptly be used to
explain this cross-cultural thematic
resonance? Although this experience is difficult to pinpoint, we may turn to the
philosophizing of Nietzsche for assistance in the description of an object which
by its nature resists the confinement of words. In his early essay,
On Music and Words, he describes the
relationship of this “song-text” to the actual experience of music. For
Nietzsche, the two are analogous to the relationship of “an Egyptian hieroglyph
of bravery” to an actual encounter of a brave warrior in the flesh: “During the
highest revelations of music we even feel involuntarily the crudeness of every
figurative effort. . . . The symbol, in the
face of the god really revealing himself, has no longer any meaning” (37).
This may seem potentially reductive of cultures and their meanings; perhaps we
have a certain responsibility to be inherently wary of thought processes which
wholly cast such distinctions aside for the sake of any such “primal Oneness”
(17). Perhaps there are greater lessons to be gained from the Apollonian,
expressed in the stately oration of tragedy; but to ignore the presence of its
sacred music would also be a mistake. Let us, as readers, negotiate the Apolline
and Dionysian as these tragic authors did, taking in the lessons of both the
solemn and the sublime.
*
Note: Dattilam: A Compendium of Ancient
Indian Music, trans. Emmie te Nijenhuis
Part
III: Research Plan
Due
to an interest in expanding my knowledge of Wole Soyinka’s work, I looked into
some of his other plays, but ultimately found an essay in
European-language Writing in Sub-Saharan
Africa which briefly delineates the Yoruba view of satire’s instrumental
function in tragedy and in society:
“The
Yoruba laughs too readily in ‘tragedy’ because he does not moralize on the
event, but identifies the issues behind the event; …has no sympathy for what man
is, but is concerned about man’s action. …It helps man’s evaluative effort to
apprehend certain ‘essences’” (Gérard 727).
This
conception of laughter in tragedy as a necessary “instrument for change” and
evaluative tool is interesting-- the evaluative aspect is certainly in keeping
with our course’s definition of tragedy. On the other hand, in many ways, the
incorporation of comedy into tragedy pushes against that definition, as well.
Yet comedy in tragedy is not exactly an anomaly, and certainly is not limited to
the Yoruba, either; I would like to understand more about the ways it has been
used (and perhaps misused).
So, I
propose to write a research paper on the importance of satire and humor in the
Yoruba conception of tragedy, perhaps taking another look at
Death and the King’s Horseman, but
primarily looking at one of Wole Soyinka’s other plays, the more distinctly
satirical Kongi’s Harvest. If it
makes sense to do so and is not too much information to process at once, it
might also be interesting to examine the comedy of these African tragedies
alongside comedy in Shakespeare’s tragedies--I expect that there are
differences and similarities in their functions that may shed light on one
another.
Any
thoughts on how to proceed from here?
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