Hanna
Mak
13
May 2015
The European Role in the Romantic Definition of America
Nathaniel Hawthorne and James Fenimore Cooper both frequently lamented the
shortcomings of the American past as a source of creative inspiration, deeming
it far too recent and ordinary for the tenor of their romantic style (Steinbrink
27). However, in spite of this complaint—or perhaps because of it—both authors
furnished the evidently lacking American identity with unique identities of
their own, coloring its depiction with distinct values and prejudices that
reflected their personal and artistic origins. In order to fully compare and
contrast the elaborate American identities that were shaped by their literary
contributions, one must duly take note of their interactions abroad. When taken
together with the glaring lack of a non-native American past, the innumerable
political, cultural and religious connections that existed between the Old and
New Worlds rendered it impossible not to view the cultures of both side by side,
and ultimately, while the patriotic instinct might have been to discount any
similarities between Europe and the fledgling nation, the latter’s frequent
resemblance to England was not to be ignored. The experiences of Hawthorne and
Cooper overseas, particularly in regard to established foreign notions of duty,
hierarchy and aristocracy, facilitated the re-contextualization and subsequent
shaping of America as they understood it. While the influence of Hawthorne’s
experiences abroad may be observed in marked changes to his expression of
national identity, Cooper’s experiences altered his tone largely in that they
intensified his beliefs, especially in terms of the rapidly growing
disillusionment that he felt towards his countrymen.
In
order to accurately reflect upon the ideological development that stemmed from
each author’s period of residence in Europe, one must first examine the overall
tone of their works prior to the majority of their travels overseas. Beginning
with Hawthorne, both Young Goodman Brown
and The Minister’s Black Veil are
typical of his work prior to his overseas appointment via at least one major
distinction—his identity as an American author during this period was almost
entirely defined in terms of regionalism rather than nationalism. Instead of
working towards the embodiment of a more broadly unifying national identity,
during this time he largely drew inspiration from themes which reflected his
personal ties to Salem and the state of Massachusetts (Clayblaugh 286).
Young Goodman Brown is thoroughly
representative of this point, not only in terms of its setting in Salem, which
necessarily relies upon the presence of realistic details to ground the
narrative in its chosen location, but also in terms of its apparent design to
expose the unique brand of hypocrisy that exemplified much of Puritan culture in
New England. In the following quotation, Hawthorne references actual
institutions and believable personages which exemplify the author’s regionalism,
affixing an approximated date and place to his fantastic moral tale: “Among
them...appeared faces that would be seen next day at the council board of the
province. ...Some affirm that the lady of the governor was there. At least there
were high dames well known to her...Either the sudden gleams of light flashing
over the obscure field bedazzled Goodman Brown, or he recognized a score of the
church members of Salem village famous for their especial sanctity.” While the
character of Hawthorne’s New England Puritanism in this text is decidedly
regional, however, it is also unequivocally American; but it is a definition of
America that originates almost purely from within, unlike those definitions
which begin to emerge after his overseas appointment. Obviously, although the
claim cannot be made that he ever entirely divorced himself from such regional
influences, it is demonstrable through the comparison of early to later texts
that his relationship to the nation would not emerge unaffected by his travels
abroad.
With
the groundwork laid to examine the trajectory of Hawthorne’s European influence,
it becomes necessary to scrutinize the early works of Cooper for a similar
purpose, albeit to a different end. The analysis of Cooper’s literary
contributions prior to his European residence may easily center on two of his
novels, with slightly different thematic emphases to be highlighted in each. The
first novel of the two to be employed in this illustration is
The Pioneers, published in 1823. In
this work, Cooper reveals to the reader his idealized version of the early
republic: “In short, the whole district is hourly exhibiting how much can be
done, in even a rugged country and with a severe climate, under the dominion of
mild laws, and where every man feels a direct interest in the prosperity of a
commonwealth of which he knows himself to form a part.” Emphasizing the equal
and altruistic participation of each citizen in the simple yet disciplined
maintenance of the republic, he pairs the force of this noble and industrious
community with only a minimal intrusion of the law into their daily lives,
offering the reader a glimpse into his nostalgia for his conceptualization of
the young republic through the quality of his fiction. In direct connection with
this markedly nostalgic assessment of supposed past republican principles, one
may observe Cooper’s habitually forceful condemnation of greed and
self-interest, a sentiment that is inextricably linked with the general anxiety
that he evidently felt towards the prospect of socioeconomic change (Watts 61).
Directly echoing this disgust, Oliver Effingham attacked the tendencies towards
self-interest that he observed in the motivations of Judge Templeton, even as a
man in command of great respect within his community: “’The wolf of the forest
is not more rapacious for his prey, than that man is greedy for gold,” he
declared; “and yet his glidings into wealth are as subtle as the movements of a
serpent.’”
The
second novel in question, Cooper’s most famous publication of
The Last of the Mohicans in 1826, can
also be seen to illustrate a great many of the virtues which he perceived as
fundamental to the construction of his flawless American ideal. However, in this
analysis, the primary focus will rely upon a select core themes. One highly
notable aspect of the ideal American past that is consistently established
within the text is the author’s fixation upon the inherently noble quality to be
found in an unmixed ancestry. For Cooper, it is a quality which is ultimately
portrayed as profoundly desirable in all races; a fact which is evidenced by the
repeated emphasis to be found in the examples of both Hawkeye and Uncas—two
strong and capable men “without a cross.” In addition, Cooper evidently placed
great value upon independence as attained through skillful self-reliance,
courage and natural ingenuity. In one passage, Cora may be used to exemplify
these treasured qualities, when she urges the men to abandon her and her sister
via the river, in order to increase the chances of the entire party’s survival:
“’You but little know the craft of the Iroquois, lady, if you judge they have
left the path open to the woods!’ returned Hawkeye. “Then try the river. Why
linger to add to the number of the victims of our merciless enemies?’” The
pointedness of her words and the quick generation of her plan demonstrate this
instance as one example of the heroic courage and ingenuity that the text
consistently celebrates. Additionally, this particular example ultimately ties
into the nostalgic glorification of heroic individualism that is a constant
fixture throughout much of Cooper’s work. For Cooper, the habitual occurrence of
heroic individualism in the actions of his characters spoke to the ability of
fiction to bestow events in the past with some measure of “grandeur and
nobility” which he evidently felt was “lacking in the present” (Steinbrink 29).
Conclusively, the numerous individual and convergent themes to be found in both
novels are thoroughly useful in the determination of Cooper’s overarching
perception of the American ideal that would only intensify throughout the course
of his disillusionment.
The
disparate nature of the livelihoods that Cooper and Hawthorne maintained as
writers undoubtedly had a profound impact upon the temper of their interactions
with Europe, thereby affecting an influence upon the reflections that arose from
each author in response. In turn, the particular variations to be found in their
reflections produced two distinctive interpretations of an ideal American
cultural and political identity, which manifested in the work which followed. In
one particularly telling example in the gulf of difference that separated the
course of their lives and careers, it should be noted that although both men
were appointed as consuls in an official capacity, they were ultimately faced
with vastly different responsibilities, and attained their government
appointments under greatly different circumstances. Hawthorne’s appointment as
consul to Liverpool in 1841 was granted in return for a favor that he performed
for his friend, Franklin Pierce, who requested that he author his campaign
biography in exchange for the opportunity (Clayblaugh 285). For Hawthorne, who
struggled to support himself as a writer, this was an opportunity that he
graciously accepted. In fact, prior to his publication of
The Scarlet Letter in 1850, Hawthorne
half-jokingly reflected that at the time he felt he could scarcely “regard
himself as addressing the American Public, or, indeed, and Public at all,” due
to the relatively unpopular reception of his early work (Bense 206). Ultimately,
the positions of consulship during this time were being used by the government
as a patronage system for the benefit of the arts, and it allowed Hawthorne to
continue to support his family (Clayblaugh 285). However, his appointment as
consul to Liverpool impacted his work in a number of other ways as well.
First, his involvement in the position of consul was one of the primary
contributing factors towards making Hawthorne’s work less purely regional and
more broadly American. Analyzing the transformation of self that he derived from
public service as an “identity imposed from without,” he also wrote that while
he “lost property in his own person” as a public official, he gained something
substantial in return—a newfound identification with the state (Clayblaugh 287).
When referred to by the title of his public office, or when he became absorbed
in the process of fulfilling its duties, he wrote that his actions as a consul
also made him reflect upon his nature as a representative of American
literature—something that he had previously never considered himself to be
(Clayblaugh 287). From his experiences abroad, he came to consider the
nationally unifying quality to exist above and independent of regional ties—to
be an American, one must necessarily
have their regional ties, but the essence
of America existed in the abstractions of duty. One textual demonstration of
Hawthorne’s acute distinction between regionalism and nationalism may be found
in a satirical essay that he wrote in 1862, “Chiefly About War Matters.” After
the outbreak of the Civil War, Hawthorne travelled to Washington D.C., where he
met President Lincoln. In the original and unaltered piece, Hawthorne describes
the president in physical terms that border on the grotesque, but he discusses
these physical qualities in terms of their relation between symbolic appearance
and a deeper, more essentially-bound truth (Wesp 419). In his essay, Hawthorne
reflects: “Western man though he be, and Kentuckian by birth, President Lincoln
is the essential representative of all Yankees, and the veritable specimen,
physically, of what the world seems determined to regard as our characteristic
qualities.” Hawthorne seems to suggest that Lincoln holds power as an “iconic
representation” of the Union’s abstract ideals, and yet simultaneously, he takes
care to draw the reader’s attention to the fact that he is a “Western man” and a
“Kentuckian”—in other words, not the
essential American, as “the world” is “determined” to assert. In this instance,
Hawthorne employs the details of regionalism in order to emphasize in its
negative relation his overarching sense of abstract nationalism.
Another important impact of Hawthorne’s government appointment was that it
enlightened his perspective towards both England and France in ways which
greatly influenced his overall conceptualization of America. When he arrived in
Liverpool as consul, Hawthorne reportedly felt that he was held in contempt by
the English, but it should be noted that he felt decidedly unfriendly towards
them as well, describing the aristocrats as “ordinary,” the women obese, and
complaining that the city reeked like the “stench of the old order” (Clayblaugh
287). However, Hawthorne soon discovered a problem with his patriotic
worldview—ultimately, the vast majority of what he valued as essential
components in American culture could, in truth, be more appropriately described
as aspects of Anglo-American culture. He encountered numerous Englishmen who
revered the Founding Fathers for their principles, he noticed that the American
Declaration of Independence was hanging proudly on the wall of a club dinner he
attended, and found that he could not ignore the connection of England to his
native Massachusetts in the ideals and aesthetics of the Milton club, whose
Puritan values necessarily mirrored those of his home (Clayblaugh 287).
Therefore, while he initially perceived the United States and England as rivals,
he found that they were ultimately co-inheritors of the same political and
literary traditions, lending him a heightened sense of perspective on the
relationship between their two countries.
Besides gaining insight into Anglo-American interactions, Hawthorne’s period of
government service in Europe also drew his attention to the impact of French and
American relations as well. His observation of French society, or as he came to
see it, the “French cataclysm,” heightened his already present fear towards the
proliferation of fundamentally egalitarian ideals (Mendilow 133). Noting the
seemingly never-ending cycle of revolution and unrest, Hawthorne ultimately
believed that once true egalitarianism was achieved in a society, its impact was
wholly irreversible (Mendilow 134). In conjunction with the rise of such an
egalitarian society, he predicted the rapid increase of technological change,
which would serve to “alienate people from one another” and their common past,
as well as bind them inextricably to the overwhelming need for “economic
success” (Mendilow 129-130). The
Birth-Mark in 1843 and Rappacini’s
Daughter in 1844 duly reflect many the author’s anxieties and suspicions in
this regard, especially in terms of their relation to individual advancement via
reckless scientific and technological expansion.
In
The Birth-Mark, the main character,
Aylmer, is a scientist who marries a beautiful young woman, Georgiana; however,
the level of absorption that Aylmer exhibits in his studies directly speaks to
the same alienating effect that Hawthorne feared: “He had devoted himself,
however, too unreservedly to scientific studies ever to be weaned from them by
any second passion. His love for his young wife might prove the stronger of the
two; but it could only be by intertwining itself with his love of science, and
uniting the strength of the latter to his own.” In lieu of a communal past and a
shared deference for religious and hierarchical institutions, Aylmer is only
able to process the love of his wife through the lens of his work as a
scientist, to the detriment of both parties; unfortunately, his wife has one
flaw which Aylmer cannot seem to ignore—a red, hand-shaped birthmark on her
cheek. Conditioned by the nature of his work to unrelentingly strive for
perfection, he eventually could not bear the sight of his wife: “seeing her
otherwise so perfect, he found this one defect grow more and more intolerable…
It was the fatal flaw of humanity which Nature, in one shape or another, stamps
ineffaceably on all her productions, either to imply that they are temporary and
finite, or that their perfection must be wrought by toil and pain.” Although his
scientific attempts to remove the mark finally prove successful, they end up
killing Georgiana in the process. In this post-consulate work of Hawthorne,
therefore, we see his fears of egalitarian scientific progress, as influenced by
his travels abroad, pushed to their extreme and tragic conclusion.
Following the examination of the impact that Hawthorne’s European interactions
had upon his understanding and development of the American identity, it becomes
necessary to turn one’s attention to its counterpart in James Fenimore Cooper.
In stark contrast to Hawthorne, Cooper was offered the position of consul
freely, due to the intensely popular acclaim that was afforded him as a result
of The Last of the Mohicans; the
novel readily drew the admiration of the governor of New York, who wrote to the
Secretary of State with the question as to whether or not the United States had
any honor similar to that of knighthoods overseas. Originally, Cooper was
offered the position of consul to Sweden, but he rejected it because he felt
that the responsibilities of the office would interfere with his family’s
enjoyment of their travels abroad (Clayblaugh 284). In place of this
unsatisfactory arrangement, the Secretary of State offered Cooper a position as
consul to Lyon, with the added stipulation that a co-consul would be appointed
to actually perform the duties that the post required. Through this compromise,
he would not experience the inconvenience of unwanted responsibilities, but
would still be able to receive what was essentially a title of honor from a
country whose founders lawfully immortalized in their nation a healthy aversion
to such foreign trappings of aristocratic favor (Clayblaugh 285). While
Hawthorne’s consulship had a demonstrable effect upon his work in and of itself,
the example of Cooper’s consular position, which was essentially ceremonial, is
rather indicative of a larger trend in his European involvement that directed
the intensification of his pre-established ideals.
In
many ways, the nature of the consular position that Cooper held was a microcosm
of his own ideological unity between aristocratic and republican values—although
he earnestly supported equality in “suffrage and law” for all Americans, he also
wholeheartedly believed in the importance of an established social hierarchy,
with average citizens showing deference to the “natural aristocrat” that could
be found in the example of the “republican gentleman” (Watts 66). In fact, he
viewed the role of these “benevolent lords” as one that was vital in any truly
productive, democratic society (Paul 43). In 1828, Cooper published
Notions of the Americans: Picked up by a
Traveling Bachelor, a work which reflected his “republican optimism” while
appealing to the nation’s “European critics” (Watts 59). John Cadwallader, the
native citizen who accompanied the traveling English bachelor on his journeys in
America, explained the country as just such a system. Cadwallader insisted that
the republic demanded political equality, with “no legal barrier to the
advancement of any one” but it rejected social equality, and instead nominated
“Men of Property and Character” to serve in public appointments with “the most
perfect good-sense and practical usefulness.” Ultimately, while Cadwallader’s
reflections on the early republic were far from rooted in historical fact, they
did precisely represent Cooper’s own values, as well as his need to “create a
myth of the republic’s virtuous founding and its sustenance” (Watts 60).
Cooper’s nostalgic idealization of the early American republic, as well as his
continually expressed need for an established social hierarchy, share a thematic
link with many of the other motifs that are common in his work. In particular,
the glorification of the heroic individual, his condemnation of wanton
self-interest as a violation of social hierarchy, and to some extent, his belief
in the intrinsically noble quality of “uncrossed” blood come to mind. However,
the manifestation of these themes in his later work often employ decidedly
intensified language, and even reflect the increasing frustrations of the
author. The Deerslayer, published in
1841, echoes a great deal of these early sentiments in its closing line, but is
permeated with the texture of Cooper’s steadily growing disillusionment: “We
live in a world of transgressions and selfishness, and no pictures that
represent us otherwise can be true, though, happily, for human nature, gleamings
of that pure spirit in whose likeness man has been fashioned are to be seen,
relieving its deformities, and mitigating if not excusing its crimes.” In this
passage, the condemnation of selfishness and greed that is prevalent in Cooper’s
earlier work is present, but its impact here is much more forceful. Not only
does the language found in the passage assume an uncommonly strong tone in its
remonstrance, its forcefulness is augmented by the fact that it is not spoken by
a character, but through the more authoritative voice of the omniscient
narrator. Additionally, its position as the final statement in the text is not
unremarkable. Cooper believed that the overarching message of a piece took far
greater precedence over its aesthetics, and subsequently, it was important that
the reader clearly understood his meaning (Paul 39). His decision to leave the
reader with this memorable closing statement, therefore, is further indicative
of its ideological significance.
However, behind these marked shifts in Cooper’s tone lurked the influence of his
separation from America, as well as the disenchantment that he felt in the wake
of its changing society. After Cooper’s return to New York at the end of 1833,
the popular author published his social novel
Home as Found in 1838. In
Home as Found, the Templeton and
Effingham families again make an appearance, but the “republican utopia” of
The Pioneers has since fallen apart,
due to the citizen’s relentless pursuit of wealth (Watts 63). When the
Effinghams visit Wall Street, this commentary is made: “money has got to be so
completely the end of life, that few think of it as a means. …All principles are
swallowed up in the absorbing desire for gain—national honor, permanent
security, the ordinary rules of society, the constitution, and everything that
is usually so dear to men.” Cooper’s use of the same memorable characters in
such an altered backdrop highlights not only the profound changes that he
experienced himself, but it also demonstrates the highly personal and emotional
nature of his reaction to these changes. The fictional town of “Templetown,”
which mirrored Cooper’s own “Cooperstown,” did not escape the heavy hand of
change, as it too had become wrought with “vulgar scramble and heart-burnings…in
the melee of a migrating and unsettled population.” Ultimately, as Edward
Effingham unhappily observed, “a predominant feeling in the American nature, I
fear, is to love change.”
For
both Cooper and Hawthorne, their interactions with Europe influenced their work
dramatically, and did so in variously different ways. Although Cooper’s stint in
Europe provided him with a somewhat greater sense of perspective through the
benefit of its distance, this same sense of perspective may have hindered his
ability to soberly assess the reality of the national situation, forcing his
perspective into a more reactionary quality. In this sense, his interaction with
Europe served to heighten and solidify his pre-existing notions of the ideal
America. In Hawthorne’s work, his dialogue with Europe also may have gained him
greater insight, although contrary to the example of Cooper, the level of his
conservatism appeared to have remained untouched. His particular concept of the
American identity, however, began its expansion and development during those
formative years abroad. Ultimately, it may be said that if the American people
owe to its rich literary tradition for the establishment of some ideal national
identity, any stubborn insistence upon the purity of its self-origination is
little more than the maintenance of an illusion.
Works
Cited
Claybaugh, Amanda. "The Consular Service and US Literature: Nathanial Hawthorne
Abroad" NOVEL: A Forum on Fiction
42.2 (2009): 284-289. Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
Gladsky, Thomas S. "James Fenimore Cooper and American Nativism"
Studies in the American Renaissance
(1994): 43-53. Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
Steinbrink, Jeffrey. "James Fenimore Cooper and the Limits of History"
Historical Reflections (1976): 25-33
Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
Watts, Steven. "Through A Glass Eye, Darkly: James Fenimore Cooper as Social
Critic" Journal of the Early Republic
13.1 (1993): 55-74 Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
Mendilow, Jonathan. "Nathaniel Hawthorne and Conservatism's "Night of
Ambiguity"" Political Theory 23.1
(1995): 128-146. Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
Wesp,
Edward. "Beyond the Romance: The Aesthetics of Hawthorne's "Chiefly About War
Matters"" Texas Studies in Literature and
Language 52.4 (2010): 408-432. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. Paul, Jay S. "Home as Cherished: The Theme of Family in Fenimore Cooper” Studies in the Novel 5.1 (1973): 39-51. Web. 20 Apr. 2015.
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