Cristen Lauck
Who is Paine?
Throughout this semester, I have
focused my research on Thomas Paine because I am preparing to write my Master's
thesis on him. A lead resource that has started my research has been a review of
a conference in 2013 led by the Thomas Paine Society. This conference
highlighted and identified the questions and issues that are present in the
current critique of Paine. One of the primary questions that was debated at the
conference is why different countries tend to focus on different aspects of
Paine, and how can modern scholars reconcile these differences? The conference
itself gives very few definitive answers as to what Paine’s political thought
was and what he should be remembered for. The conference does, however,
highlight the issue that because Paine is a transnational writer, he is viewed
differently by many societies and contrarily valued for his writings. For
instance, the British tend to see Paine mostly as a political activist who wrote
Rights of
Man, the Americans focus on his role in the
American Revolution and his contribution of
Common Sense,
and the French tend to focus on his religious
beliefs in
Age of Reason. The conference itself gives very
few answers as to why he is valued differently by different countries and only
opens the door for more questions about Paine.
To begin my research this semester, I had a difficult time figuring out where to
start. Because this article was a review of a conference, there was no works
cited for me to trace back information. So, instead of following a works cited
page to find leads to these questions, I began my research by identifying the
keynote speakers of the conference and researching to find their most recent
articles in an attempt to locate their current findings. To my dismay, I could
find very little that was written by the actual conference presenters. Perhaps
it is because the conference was too recent and the speakers have not published
their works yet or because both JSTOR and Academic Search Complete are limited
in their choices of articles. However, I was able to find a couple of articles
by the writers of the conference review, Betsy Erkkila and Edward Larkin. So I
began with reading their articles to see what information I could find.
Betsy Erkkila’s article which I found on JSTOR was not
directly related to the question at hand, which is why do different societies
remember or focus on different works by Paine as opposed to viewing him as a
complete writer. It did, however, relatedly answer the question why historians
and Literature majors have intentionally disregarded each other. In her essay
titled “Critical History,” Erkkila explains that in her experience as a
double-major graduate student of English and History at UC-Berkeley, she noticed
and questioned why the English and History departments refused to recognize each
other’s importance. She says that she understood this disconnect to be the
result of both disciplines’ resistance to post-structural theories and says that
the Literary professions have long resisted looking at literature in historical
contexts because of a fear that “The ‘historical turn’ will polute the purity of
literature” and similarly that the “historians fear that the ‘linguistic turn’
will erode the objective and factual grounds of the historical profession”
(Erkkila 359). Like Erkkila, I have wondered at this disconnect between the two
professions and as evident in the conference review, this is still an ongoing
debate and problem. I was just hoping there would be more of an answer as to why
Paine is viewed differently by different counties but the article itself was
very interesting.
I also found another article written
by a conference presenter who co-wrote the conference review, Edward Larkin. His
article, which I also found on JSTOR, is titled “Inventing an American Public:
Thomas Paine, the
Pennsylvania Magazine,
and American Revolutionary Political Discourse.” His article similarly did not
answer my particular question but was still very informative. In his article,
Larkin explains how Paine became popular as a political writer and influential
to the American Revolution. Larkin explains that Paine’s work as the editor of
the Pennsylvania magazine both created and shaped his audience. He says that in
order for Paine to have been successful as an editor, he had to identify his
audience and then attempt to reinvent it (258). Larkin explains that Paine chose
his audience by speaking directly to the common, less-educated people and
addressed them by writing extensively though analogy and metaphor. Larkin
explains how this was genius on Paine’s part because he was able to address the
majority of Pennsylvanians who were “laborers and uneducated” (259). Larkin says
that “the politicization of the mass of Philadelphians . . . was the most
important development in Philadelphia’s political life in the decades before
independence” (259). And Larkin attributes this political awakening of the
common people to Paine and his use of allegory. Although, this article did not
answer the question of why different countries view Paine differently, it did
shed light on the way in which Americans have come to know Paine as a political
revolutionary.
Because I did not find exactly what I was looking for by researching the
conference presenters, I decided to continue my search by specifically looking
for the transatlantic aspect of Paine’s career. I started by research first by
typing in “Transatlantic” and “Paine” in academic search complete. Not much was
found other than book reviews which are extremely helpful and will be useful for
my thesis research; they were, however, not exactly what I was needing for this
article review. So, I instead typed the same key words in JSTOR and was able to
find good articles.
The first title I noticed and
thought would be interesting to read was Robert Lamb’s article titled “Liberty,
Equality, and the Boundaries of Ownership: Thomas Paine’s Theory of Property
Right.” I initially knew this article would not answer the prevailing question
at hand but I thought it would be interesting to read nonetheless. The article
itself is very specific in its account of Paine and, as the title suggests,
involves his ideas of property rights. Lamb explains in his article that Paine
was unique in his theory of property rights and deserving of greater
recognition. Lamb criticizes current scholars who disregard Paine as a political
theorist and say his political theories are “schizophrenic” in thought (483).
Lamb bases his ideas on Paine’s
Agrarian Justice and
shows how Paine is able to successfully reconcile a person’s right to liberty
while simultaneously supporting equality through his property rights theory.
Lamb points out that Paine’s political views are traditionally disregarded
because he is viewed as being undecided and have been supported both by American
Libertarians as well as British Egalitarians.
Lamb explains that this
differing view of Paine is primarily because American Revolutionaries have
focused on
Common Sense, whereas the
British have focused on
The Rights of Man. He
then goes on to explain that these different views of Paine can be reconciled if
we look at his thoughts on property rights. He says that Paine’s theories are
unique because he identifies 3 types of property (natural, artificial or
acquired, and inherited artificial). Lamb then goes on to describe the different
types and explains that Paine believes some property can be taxed for the
greater good of society but other types of property cannot be taxed because
property ownership is a natural right to man. This article was extremely
interesting to me on a personal level but still only partially answered why
different countries viewed him differently and then goes on to say that we
shouldn’t think this way.
The second title that caught my eye was Jason Solinger’s
“Thomas Paine’s Continental Mind”. I thought this article would definitely have
the answer to my question. To my disappointment, it only partially did. Solinger
says that Paine saw himself as a “man of the world” (593) with no real ties to
any particular country, which is why he was eventually disowned by all the
countries he resided in. Solinger points out that Paine was “Forced out of
England, imprisoned in France, and written out of the histories of the United
States” (593). He attributes Paine’s unattached attitude to the prevailing idea
of a cosmopolitan man of the enlightenment. Solinger explains that the idea of a
world-traveling intellectual was a highlight of the Enlightenment and which
Paine was an advocate for. He points out that Paine frequently uses the phrase
of a “continental mind” when criticizing the imperial attitudes of the
island-bound British in favor of the Enlightened American colonists. Solinger
explains that Paine was rejected by the different countries he once called home
because he was a self-proclaimed man of the world and not bound by the limits of
a country or national loyalty. This article comes the closest to answering my
question but still leaves a lot unanswered. It explains why Paine was not loyal
to any one country but still does not answer why each country has decided to
primarily focus on one of his works and disregarded the others. Nevertheless, it
is a step closer to understanding why Paine continues to be a challenge to many
Historians and Literary scholars alike.
Works Cited
Erkkila, Betsy. "Critical History."
American Quarterly 50.2
(1998): 358-64. JSTOR.
Web. 5 Mar. 2014.
Lamb, Robert. "Liberty, Equality, and the Boundaries of
Ownership: Thomas Paine's Theory of Property Rights."
The Review of Politics 72.03
(2010): 483-511. JSTOR.
Web. 5 Mar. 2014.
Larkin, Edward. "Inventing an American Public: Thomas
Paine, the "Pennsylvania Magazine," and American Revolutionary Political
Discourse." Early American Literature
33.3 (1998): 250-76. JSTOR.
Web. 5 Mar. 2014.
Solinger, Jason D. "Thomas Paine’s Continental Mind."
Early American Literature
45.3 (2010): 593-617. JSTOR.
Web. 5 Mar. 2014.
|