Online Texts for Craig White's Literature Courses

from Chapter 5. Showing what means they used for preparation to this weighty voyage

[¶5.1a] And first after their humble prayers unto God for his direction and assistance, and a general conference held hereabout, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon, and prepare for. Some (and none of the meanest [least important]) had thoughts and were earnest for Guyana [northeast coast of South America], or some of those fertile places in those hot climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, where the English had all ready made entrance, and beginning. [Jamestown, the first permanent English settlement, was founded in Virginia in 1607]

[The “general conference” and “consultation” in these passages offers some flavor of the democratic nature of Puritan-Congregationalist culture, in which congregants argue but remain united in “church estate.”]

[¶5.1b] Those for Guyana [northeast coast of South America] alleged that the country was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring, and a flourishing greenness; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty without any great labor or art of man. So as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less provisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards (having much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.

[¶5.1c] But to this it was answered, that out of question the country [Guyana] was both fruitful and pleasanter, and might yield riches and maintenance to the possessors, more easily then the other; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit for them. And first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome [unhealthy] impediments, which other more temperate places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our English bodies. Again, if they should there live, and do well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would displant or overthrow them, as he did the French in Florida, who were seated further from his richest countries; and the sooner because they should have none to protect them, and their own strength would be too small to resist so potent an enemy, and so near a neighbor.

[¶5.2] On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived among the English which were there planted, or so near them as to be under their government, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. [The governments of Jamestown and other Virginia settlements were associated with the Church of England] And if they lived too far off, they should neither have succor, nor defense from them.

[¶5.3a] But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distinct body by themselves, under the general Government of Virginia; and by their friends to sue [appeal] to his majesty that he would be pleased to grant them freedom of Religion; and that this might be obtained, they were put in good hope by some great persons, of good rank and quality, that were made their friends. Whereupon two [representatives of the Pilgrims] were chosen and sent in to England (at the charge of the rest) to solicit this matter, who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them go thither [there], and willing to grant them a patent [land title], with as ample privileges as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best furtherance they could. And some of the chief of that company doubted not to obtain their suit of [case to] the King for liberty in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king’s broad seal, according to their desires.

[¶5.3b] But it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for; for though many means were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected [achieved]; for there were divers of good worth labored with the king to obtain it, (amongst whom was one of his chief secretaries,) and some other wrought with the archbishop to give way thereunto; but it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they prevailed, in sounding his majesty’s mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried themselves peaceably. But to allow or tolerate them by his public authority, under his seal, they found it would not be. And this was all the chief of the Virginia Company or any other of their best friends could do in the case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used, and to what issue things were come.

[¶5.4] But this made a damp in [put a damper on] the business, and caused some distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsettle themselves, and put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed hereupon without making any suit at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed hereupon, and that the king’s majesty was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it by any public act. And furthermore, if there was no security in this promise intimated, there would be no great certainty in a further confirmation of the same; for if afterwards there should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not serve the turn; for there would be means enough found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therefore the course was probable, they must rest herein on God’s providence, as they had done in other things.

[¶5.5] Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with the Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means obtain. . . .

[¶5.final paragraph] But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent [royal title to land in the New World] granted them, and confirmed under the Company’s seal; but these divisions and distractions had shaken of many of their pretended friends, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some friends this patent was not taken in the name of any of their own, but in the name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoln), who intended to go with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patent, which had cost them so much labor and charge, as by the sequel will appear. This patent being sent over for them to view and consider, as also the passages about the propositions between them and such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure with them, and especially with those on whom they did chiefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with all speed. A right emblem, it may be, of the uncertain things of this world; that when men have toiled them selves for them, they vanish into smoke.

From Chapter 6 Concerning the agreements and articles between [the Pilgrims] and such merchants and others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out about making their provisions.

[Instructor’s note: This passage assessing the small colony’s operations previews later passages concerning the balance of personal or private labor versus work done for the commonwealth or community.]

[From a letter from Pastor Robinson to John Carver, a Pilgrim leader]

And let this specially be borne in mind, that the greatest part of the Colony is like to be employed constantly, not upon dressing [cultivating] their particular land and building houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifle for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the division of it [land, property] a great discouragement to the planters [the Pilgrims], who would with singular care make it comfortable with borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common employment constantly by the most is a good reason not to have the two days in a week denied the few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to common good. Consider also how much unfit that you and your likes must serve a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom from task.