LITR 5831 Colonial-Postcolonial Literature               

                                        Research Posts 2011  

Nora Ventura

November 20, 2011

“The Inheritors of the Exploits of Columbus,” Neoliberalism, and Transnational Families

Initially my intent was to research Diaspora writers living in the U.S. and then look at the current issues revolving their home countries. This interest was based on wanting to learn more about immigrant children and their experiences of cultural adaptation once they arrive to the U.S. However, while running database searches for “United States,” “immigrant children,” and “Central America” I continued to come across recurrent terminology: transnational childhood, transnational motherhood, free-trade, neoliberalism, globalization, immigration, and U.S. policy. Through a mental block from not finding articles that sparked interest, I added  “Columbus” to the search terms, which led me to James Petras and Steve Vieux’s article “Twentieth-Century Neoliberals: Inheritors of the Exploits of Columbus.” I read it. The connection from Columbus to immigrant children living in the U.S. allowed for all above terms to fit within that historical trajectory, and this post will summarize my perceived understanding of it.

In 1991 then Colombian President Cesar Gaviria referred to the presidents of Latin America as the “inheritors of Columbus’ exploits.” Petras and Vieux’s research leads them to compare the U.S. to the Spanish hegemony over Latin America. Spanish hegemony over Latin America left half of a continent in shambles, and it has yet to recover, most of its counties remaining in a third-world status. By the 1980’s, the elite from south of the U.S. border all the way down to the bottom tip of the continent “hailed the advent of unregulated capitalism as the panacea for the region’s development crisis” (Petras and Vieux 25). This “messianic vision” reflects “historical amnesia.” The authors identify the similarities from Latin America’s history of colonialism to the policies and practices of the 1980’s and 1990’s in regards to the U.S.: policing that ensured low wages thus promoting competition from the proletariat and indigenous and accumulating wealth to the rich, exportation of minerals and produce, access of natural resources to foreign exploitation, and debt payment and large-scale transfers of wealth to avoid “punitive measures from the imperial powers.” A movement towards privatization in “the decade of ascendant neoliberalism” resulted in a gross domestic product (GDP) drop of eighth percent to twenty-six percent in some countries. The gap between the rich and the poor widened dramatically, and “political theft of public property” by regimes of Peru, Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile became prevalent. Political instability in Latin America was paramount for neoliberalism, resulting in the slaughter of millions of civilians. During this decade, the U.S. contributed with “$6.5 billion worth of military and economic assistance into Central America,” mainly in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala (42). Under the pretense of development, neoliberalism became the new and improved form of colonization.

Being a Mexican immigrant, I then narrowed down my research to neoliberalism in Mexico. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994 allowed for “open markets of all types to outside investment by including special rules that insure outside investors a safe and attractive return on their money….These special rules or treaty provisions are designed to limit governmental regulation of those markets…and to require each country’s legal system to protect and favor the outside investors over local governments” (McCarty 106). NAFTA contributed directly to the impoverishment (ranging from poverty to extreme poverty) of an additional three million people in Mexico by 2004. The Mexican Revolution of 1910 had ended in the protection of land for peasants, but the protection of communally owned lands was reversed in 1992, and peasants and farmers were not able to afford the land without government subsidies. “Free trade […] destroyed [rural people’s] economic system, leaving them the choice of migration or starvation” (McCarthy 109). Children and families in rural Mexico are the most affected by neoliberalism, not only because of economic hardships but by family separation due to immigration. Although it would be inaccurate to attribute transnational migration exclusively to neoliberalism, the sharp increase of transnational migration from Mexico and Central America after neoliberal policies cannot be ignored.  

Transnational parenting has become a challenge to parents on both sides of the geopolitical border. Feelings towards leaving their children behind to seek employment in the U.S. range from feelings of guilt to feelings of pride and sacrifice for being able to provide not only capital for nourishment but also the possibility for a brighter future through educational opportunities in the children’s home countries. The Mexican economy is vastly dependant on remittances. “These remittances have grown since NAFTA and are now the second largest source of income for Mexico, ahead of tourism and comparable with that of oil” (McCarthy 115). With the nuclear family split across borders, transnational families struggle to “do family,” a struggle familiar to “families of color in the U.S….in the face of divisive forces like slavery, immigration policies, or economic and political conditions” (Orellana et al. 585). Another significant change in immigration has been the shift from cyclical to permanent immigration. This change is the result in immigration enforcement laws that make it difficult for immigrants to travel back and forth. Because the economic hardships in the home country have not improved but rather deteriorated, immigrant behavior has had to adapt to policy changing, often resulting in an additional strain to familial ties. Additionally, decisions on whether children are reunited with their parents are made considering risks of the journey to the U.S., financial ability, childcare availability (both in the U.S. and home country), and age of the child (Dreby 2006). Transnational families, for the most part, manage to maintain ties through emotional and financial support, but families may go years or even decades without seeing one another. The concept of home disappears.

Neoliberalism is the new colonialism, and the façade of eventual development makes ignoring its collateral damage easy. This brief research allowed me to have a better understanding of neoliberalism by examining it though the perspective of family, which is easier to identify with compared to policy. In terms of literature, I am left with a want to read a book composed of children’s narratives from different Latin American countries at different times in the 19th and 20th century. The voices of the children are what I am specifically interested in and I did not find. Research is limited to parental perspectives of transnational migration, foreign policy, and socioeconomic effects of neoliberalism. I do not know if such book exists.

 

Works Cited

Dreby, Joanna. "HONOR AND VIRTUE: Mexican Parenting In The Transnational Context." Gender & Society 20.1 (2006): 32-59.

McCarthy, Dawn. “The Impact of The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on Rural Children and Families in Mexico: Transnational Policy and Practice Implications.” Journal of Public Child Welfare. 1.4 (2007): 105-123.

Petras, James., and Steve Vieux. “Twentieth-Century Neoliberals: Inheritors of the Exploits of Columbus.” Latin American Perspectives 19.3 (1992): 25-46.

W.S.E. Lam, et al. "Transnational Childhoods: The Participation Of Children In Processes Of Family Migration." Social Problems 48.4 (2001): 572-591.