Allison Coyle

April 17, 2008

Northern Ireland: The Truth Behind the Conflict

           The current issues that fuel the conflict in Northern Ireland began many years ago. Although the conflict has been thought of to many as a religious one, the political history of this province shows the many layers that this issue holds such as cultural identity, security, as well as social and economic inequalities. All of these hold blame in the conflict of Northern Ireland. This research is an attempt to answer my questions regarding what began this cultural conflict in the first place. I feel as though it is imperative to take a brief look at the political history of Northern Ireland to gain a true understanding of the conflict that has plagued this nation for years. 

            For many years there have been many cultures that have wanted to take over the small island of Ireland. Yet, the kingdom that has sought to rule and dominate Ireland over the past several hundred years is the United Kingdom (Great Britain). In the year 1920, the island of Ireland split and this is when Northern Ireland became its own state. This was done through the Government of Ireland Act (Simpson & Daly, 2004). This is when the conflict in Northern Ireland truly erupted. Many Catholics didn’t see Northern Ireland as a real state and so they didn’t acknowledge it as such. This mind set helped breed the power struggle between the Catholics & Nationalists and the Unionists & the government. “The question of the legitimacy of the state was one that would eventually serve to undermine its stability, and make it increasingly difficult for British governments, and the Unionists political parties, to reconcile Northern Nationalists with the reality of partition, and the principle of consent” (Simpson & Daly, 2004, p.163).

           In 1973 the first attempt at a resolution to the power-struggle issue between the SDLP and the Ulster Unionist Party was set into motion by the Sunningdale Agreement. This agreement attempted to construct a new system that was to be run by both the Protestants and Catholics that

would regulate the affairs of the two sides of Ireland. Although this agreement held great potential for the future of Ireland, it was opposed by the Democratic Unionist Party and most of the Ulster Unionist Party which eventually brought it down.

            In more modern times, the Black Irish (Catholics) and the Orange Irish (Protestants) are still struggling to live as neighbors. One of the most well known, and recent attempts at peace was made in 1998, by Ulster Unionist Party First Minister David Trimble and Social Democratic Labor Party leader John Hume, known as the Good Friday Agreement. This agreement was another power-sharing agreement that included the SDLP, Sinn Fein, the British and Irish governments, and loyalist parliamentaries. Private talks were exchanged for many years between all parties before an agreement was made. Northern Ireland looked like it was finally moving in the right directions towards a solution to their ongoing conflict. Unfortunately a few months later the largest retaliation bomb to hit Northern Ireland killed several and injured hundreds. This set back any reconciliation that was in the works and based on Northern Ireland’s history, this is no coincidence.

            My Irish heritage was the biggest influence on the topic I chose to research for this paper. I have always been interested in the Irish conflicts but never quite understood what the conflict was truly about. If I were to carry this research further I would like to take a closer look at the events that occurred on July 8, 1971, better known as Bloody Sunday. Growing up I always listened to U2 and it wasn’t until I was sitting in Dr. Mc Mullen’s mediation class and he mentioned it that I began to realize what their song, “Sunday Bloody Sunday” was truly about. I think it would be interesting and eye opening as well. 

 

Quote from Charles Parnell, Founder and Leader of the Irish Parlementary Party...       

“No Sir; we cannot give up a single Irishman. We want the energy, the patriotism, the talents, and the work of every Irishman” (Lynch, 1972, p.617).

 

 

References

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Bew, Paul (2005). The Role of the Historical Advisor and the Bloody Sunday Tribunal. Historical Research. 78:199, p.113-127.

CBC News online (2004).  Disarmament of the Irish Republican Army: A time line.  Retrieved April 19, 2005 from   http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/northernireland/timeline.html

Clarke, Aidan (2005) British Interventions in Early Modern Ireland. Cambridge University Press.

English, Richard (2004). Coming to Terms with the Past: Northern Ireland. History Today. 54:7, p.24-26.

Hume, John (2001). The Irish Question: A British Problem. Foreign Affairs. 58:2, p.300-313.

Karmen, Dr.E. (1998)  Northern Ireland- The Bombing in Omagh.  Retrieved November  1, 2006 from http://www.ict.org.il/articlaes/articledet.cfm?articleid=73

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Lloyd, John (1998). Ireland’s Uncertain Peace. Foreign Affairs. 77:5, p.109-122.

Lynch, John (1972). The Anglo-Irish Problem. Foreign Affairs. 50:4, p.601-617.

Shannon, William (1986). The Anglo-Irish Agreement. Foreign Affairs, 64:4, p.849-870.

Simpson, Kirk & Peter Daly (2004). Politics and Education in Northern Ireland- An Analytical History. Irish Studies Review. 12:2, p.163-174.

Townshend, Charles (2004). Religion, War and Identity in Ireland. Journal of Modern History. 76:4, p.882-902.